Disraelis policy during the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876 Essay Example for Free

Disraelis policy during the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876 EssayTo what extent was portmanteau words religion the driving force behind his attempt to sabotage Disraelis policy during the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876?Of all the Bulgarian atrocities perhaps the greatest1 was the label Disraeli ascribed to blends 1876 pamphlet The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, which concentrated into a single utterance a profoundly excited world mood struggling for articulation.2 With the publication of this pamphlet, blend effectively undermined Disraelis policy of fuddled support for the Turks in the face of the Bulgarian massacres, and emerged at the forefront of the Bulgarian Agitation. The popular pressure that ensued ultimately forced Disraeli to abandon any overt military support of the whiff Empire, and to decl ar neutrality in the issue. While the consequences of Gladstones action are k forthwithn, his reasons for involving himself in the debate are questionable. Gladstones f ervent religious beliefs could crap provided the main impetus for his involvement, but other arguments, such as his intervention being an anti-Conservative policy-making strategy, are perhaps more than plausible given an examination of the evidence.In examining this issue, it is valuable to understand the depth of contempt that Gladstone and Disraeli held for each others conflicting policy. It was non their principles that differed both believed in a policy of non-intervention in European affairs except for in those that could impact British interests. However, their methods were all different. Disraeli believed very strongly in the ruling right and superiority of the established aristocracy in Britain, and this certainly transferred across to his foreign policy, as illustrated by his endorsement of Austrian aristocratic Habsburg convention in Italy in 1851. He felt that Britain had a duty to Europe as the wealthiest and near powerful Empire, and that this would best be ser ved by preserving British allure and furthering the spread of the British Empire.Gladstone likewise wished to preserve British interests, but often found this to conflict with his nationalism, sympathy with the unalienable rights of smaller nations to their nationhood3. In terms of Italy, therefore, Gladstone could non support Austrian rule because it contravened his nationalistic beliefs, condescension the fact that Habsburg domination could have proved more beneficial to Britain. This is mirrored in his stance in the arbitration of the Alabama settlement Gladstone appeared to capitulate to American demands as opposed to tolerate up British interests, as he believed that it was the most moral course of action. It was from these differences that the deep opposition to each others foreign policy was born. Disraeli saw Gladstones policy as counter-productive in terms of British interests, accusing him of lacking to dismantle the Empire, while Gladstone found Disraeli to be far too much of an imperialist and insensitive to the rights of foreign nations.Disraeli not completely poured scorn on Gladstones foreign affairs, but also disliked his dogmatic religion. It is workable that the modern focus on Gladstone as a highly religious political leader was brought about by Disraelis very public attacks on his fervent religious beliefs. Disraeli held nothing but scorn for Gladstones religion, and talked with disdain of him always preaching, praying, speechifying or scribbling4. For Disraeli, Gladstone utilise his religion to mask his true intentions to appear pious while actually manipulating and manoeuvring his way through politics. Perhaps it is Disraelis emphasis on ridiculing Gladstones religious beliefs that has inspired the imagination that he was first and foremost a highly religious man.However, the general consensus is that Gladstones Evangelical upbringing led to a strong sense of religious theology that could be said to have permeated all aspec ts of his life, including his politics. In modern Britain it would rarely be expected for a Prime Minister to admit to religion colour their policies as Alastair Campbell famously declared, we dont do God. Blairs revelation that he ultimately looked to religion for his decision in declaring war on Iraq was frowned upon by many who felt that individual(prenominal) beliefs and convictions should not have an impact on decisions that will affect whole countries. However, in the far more religious Britain of 1876 this was not so controversial. Religious issues permeated all(prenominal) aspect of life, including law and politics.The attitudes of the day are clearly demonstrated in the Bradlaugh Case, in which confirmed atheist and elected MP for Northampton Charles Bradlaugh was barred from taking up his parliamentary seat because of his refusal to take the religious Oath of Allegiance required for entry. This issue was disput optioned regularly in parliament, showing the height of rel igious skin perceptiveness of the time. Gladstone in particular do no secret of his religion, or of his beliefs that it was entirely applicable to politics. In his book The State in its Relations to the church building (1838), Gladstone raised the idea that religion and politics were inextricably linked the Church was the conscience of the State, while the State had a duty to lend its consistent, unwavering support to the Anglican Church. Although his views later changed to reject the exclusivity of the Church of England, throughout his life he retained the belief that religion should be firmly ingrained in the running of the country.Gladstones beliefs caused him to take an ethical stance in foreign policy, which contrasted greatly with Disraelis firmly imperialist Beaconsfieldism that attempted to secure the best outcome for Britain, sentiments that prefigured the practical reflection of mixing religion and politics today. Disraeli and Gladstone held the greatest of contempt for each other in their foreign affairs, each believing the others policy to be entirely nonsensical and unworkable, attitudes that stemmed from their differing interests.While Disraeli held British interests at heart, Gladstone had a catholic largeness of vision and sympathy embracing Europe as a cultural and spiritual community5 stemming from his views on the unity of the Christian church, and believed that European affairs should be conducted with the best interests of the community at heart. Although Disraeli felt that it was necessary to support the Turks despite their actions in Bulgaria in order to deter Russia from gaining power on territory on the pretext of moral intervention, Gladstone would have found this inexcusable check to his personal moral code and European sense, principally derived from the intense fervour of his Christianity6 as Magnus perceptively states, Gladstone felt that Disraelis interpretation of British interests excluded considerations of justice, or of humanity7.It was not moreover Gladstones European sense that would have rendered support of the Turks inexcusable, but the very nature of the events taking place in Bulgaria. Gladstone consistently cast himself as a moral crusader in his policies, particularly regarding Ireland and in his opposition and criticisms of Beaconsfieldism. Following the brutal massacre of 15,000 Bulgarians, Jenkins argument that the moral Gladstone was spontaneously seized with a wild sympathy for the sufferings of the Balkan Christian communities8 seems plausible.Gladstone would most likely have been incensed by Disraelis initial denial of the rumours of the massacres, already believing Disraelis foreign policy to be aggressive, expensive and unprincipled. However, Abbot refutes Jenkins claims in stating that the part playedby Gladstones high moral principles has tended to be exaggerated9, and states that the vast majority of his moral outbursts in terms of foreign policy were made when he was in oppos ition. As a moral stance in foreign policy was a common one for the opposition to take at the time, this indicates that Gladstones intervention was possibly not entirely fuelled by religion.Gladstones role as a cabinet minister during the Crimean War could have provided another factor in his intervention. The Treaty of Paris that brought the war to a close increased the necessity for co-operation within the concert of Europe, as it had substituted a European conscience expressed by the collective guarantee and concerted action of the European powers10 for a pre-Crimean war guarantee of the cling toion of Christian minorities by the Russians. Turkey had promised collapse treatment for the Christians of the Ottoman Empire, and Gladstone felt morally obliged to ensure that the terms of the Treaty were not breached, particularly with reference to the protection of the Balkan Christians. Following Russias breach of the Black sea clauses in 1870, Gladstone was even more determined to e nsure that the European Concert continued to function in its protection of the minorities.It seems unbelievable that Gladstone cherished to preserve the terms of the Treaty of Paris for purely political reasons, as the maintenance of the balance of power within Europe required Russia to be geted, not encouraged to expand into the Balkans supposedly in order to protect the inhabitants. It is possible then that Gladstone interactd for the same reason as the Russians gave in order to protect the Christians from an alien nation with an alien religion that mistreated them. A sample from his pamphlet gives a clear indication of his attitude towards the Turks Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and their Yuzbashis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall I hope clear out from the province they have desolated and profaned11.While this has racist overtones, it is difficult to determine whether this is due to a difference in religion. Jenkins ra ises the possibility that Gladstone could have felt sympathetic towards the Christians, but quashes it with the statement that Gladstone was stronger on the rhetoric of indignation than on detailed knowledge of what was happening in the Balkans12, never having visited the area or displayed any previous interest in it. Indeed, on the subject of previous massacres of Christians, Gladstone had remained suspiciously quiet, despite episodes like the massacre of the Maronite Christians in 1860 which left between 7,000 and 11,000 dead. It seems unlikely that a wild desire to protect those of the same religion only appeared during this particular occurrence, particularly as Gladstone failed to intervene when the news of the massacres initially broke, waiting another 2 months to bring himself into the limelight.Although Feuchtwanger claims that Gladstones life in politics was a constant quest for God13, the historians emphasis on Gladstone as a singularly moral, religious politician is over ly simplistic, and does not take into account Gladstones practical, political nature. There is an obvious practical angle for Gladstones community in the Bulgarian Agitation propping up a declining Ottoman Empire was not a viable long term policy for Britain. The tradition of Palmerstonian foreign policy supported Turkish rule in the East, partially in order to maintain a balance of power in Europe, but broadly speaking as a matter of self-interest in order to protect trade routes in the Mediterranean. Particularly following the Crimean War, the expansion of a hostile Russia would have been detrimental to British trade and to British power and influence within Europe. In the short term a strong Turkey would act as an efficient barrier to Russian expansion, but the Ottoman Empire had become increasingly corrupt and debile the Bulgarian uprising and subsequent massacre was not the only such occurrence.Moreover, overtly supporting the Ottomans would anger the Dreikaiserbund of Germa ny, Austria-Hungary and Russia although it was best not to allow the alliance of these three countries to grow too powerful, neither was it sensible to enlist a policy of mindless(prenominal) support for the Turks whose influence was already declining. Prior to the confirmation of the truth of the massacres, Disraeli, advised by the pro-Turkish British ambassador Elliot, had made moves towards supporting the Turks against Russia, and even went so far as to dismiss the rumours of the massacres as coffee house babble. In sabotaging Disraelis policy by stirring up public opinion, Gladstone effectively limited the options open to the prime minister and possibly prevented him from forming a dangerous alliance with Turkey.Furthermore, it has been suggested that Gladstone in fact saw a better solution to the problem of Russian expansion than bolstering Turkey. From his attitudes towards Italy it is clear that Gladstone favoured nationalism, and believed that all people had the right to na tional self-determination. Blake claims that Gladstone was hostile to any sort of frontward policy14, an unnecessarily harsh statement from the pro-Disraeli biographer in fact, in supporting nationalism, Gladstone proposed a solution ahead of his time.The creation of Balkan states was the solution used in 1935 to contain Russia, but it would have been equally applicable here. It could be argued that Gladstone was contradicting Disraelis policy because he could see a flaw in the reasoning. It is evident from his pamphlet that he wanted the Turks removed from Bulgaria, but further to this, Magnus claims that he repeatedly urged that the matter should be taken out of Russian hands15 and that this was a solution more realistic16 than Disraelis. ever politically expedient, Gladstone intended to attack British support of the Turks as well as advocating Russian containment, reasserting the balance of power in Europe.Of course, it is entirely possible that Gladstone was simply launching a direct attack on the policies of the government without any real moral or religious reasoning. A response not born out of righteous indignation or passionate sympathy for the suffering of the Bulgarians but of an attempt to make the government appear weak or badly led would explain his delay in joining the Agitation.Gladstones particular rivalry with Disraeli would have provided motive enough for such an attack the two men held the greatest contempt for each other, stemming from the repeal of the Corn Laws and the split of the Conservative party in 1846. Although their practical aims were often remarkably similar in foreign affairs, their ideologies differed vastly and each held the others principles in utter contempt. It would not be beyond the bounds of rational thought to assume that in sabotaging Disraelis policy the only thing that Gladstone intended to do was to make him look like a fool.It could be argued that even in this there was a religious motivation. Disraelis Jewish background has led to the suggestion that his anti-Russian foreign policy had more to do with anti-Christian feeling. Feuchtwanger claims that Gladstone was aware of this and distrusted Disraeli for it all his deep suspicions about Disraeli were aroused he now even suspected him of being influenced by Judaic sympathy for the Turks and hatred of Christians17, although Blake dismisses such suspicions as absurd18. At a stretch, the poor relationship of the two politicians could also be said to have its roots in their differing religious views. Gladstone may have resented Disraelis conversion from Judaism to Christianity, which could be interpreted as only having been undertaken for mixer gain and not true faith.Shannon suggests that Gladstones return to the political arena could have been for selfish reasons that he wanted to restore his bond of moral rapport with the masses19 and adds that it was less a case of Gladstone exciting popular pressure than popular pressure exciting Gladst one20 rather than Gladstone carefully crafting his attack on Disraeli, he merely saw an opportunity to join the virtuous passion21 sweeping the nation and manipulate it to his advantage. Again, this would explain the delay between the beginning of the Agitation and Gladstones involvement. His action in publishing the pamphlet drew him back to the forefront of political life, and his continuing focus on the Midlothian campaign throughout the next four years was an important factor in ensuring his re-election as Prime Minister in 1880.Many historians agree with Shannons interpretation that Gladstone wanted to reforge his links with.mass audiences22, but differ on the reasoning for this. Shannon and Blake are both of the opinion the Gladstone simply seized upon the opportunity to take part ina moral crusade23 in an attempt to inject himself back into the contemporary political field. Although the consequences of his action suggest that this is a realistic motive, and that he could have chosen to speak out against Disraeli to ensure his own self-advancement, this does seem unlikely considering Gladstones character Blakes portrayal of Gladstone is excessively negative, probably due to his pro-Disraeli sentiments.The perhaps more reliable Jenkins contradicts these claims of intervention for self-advancement, as It did not follow that what he did was bathetic for his own convenience24 and claiming that he was driven on Bulgaria by the same sort of elemental force which had seized him at the time of his Neapolitan pamphlets25. This is a far more accurate judgement given the evidence Gladstone constantly looked to his moral principles in seeking to do what was best for Britain and for Europe, and it seems unlikely that he would have emotional up such a commotion merely to return himself to the forefront of political affairs.Shannon states that Gladstones first love had been the Church, and to the Church he remained ever faithful26, but despite the politicians overt C hristianity historians are unable to agree on the extent to which his religion impacted his policies. In terms of his reaction to the Bulgarian Atrocities alone, numerous theories have been put forward as to the cause his animosity towards Disraeli, his strong belief in nationalism, a wish to unite with the masses protesting a cause. Although these theories are superficially disparate, a closer examination reveals that they are all underpinned by Gladstones strong sense of morality. This morality caused him to reject Disraelis policies as unprincipled, to campaign for the creation of the Balkan states and to view Europe as a spiritual community that Britain had an obligation to protect and preserve. Ultimately, Gladstones politics were motivated by morality a morality derived from his fundamental, unwavering religious beliefs.1 Blake, R., Disraeli, St. Martins, 1967, p.6022 Shannon, R.T., Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation 1876, Nelson, 1963, p.1103 Abbot, B.H., Gladstone and Dis raeli, Collins, 1986, p.9545 Shannon, R.T., Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation 1876, Nelson, 1963, p.46 Shannon, R.T., Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation 1876, Nelson, 1963, p.57 Magnus, P., Gladstone, Penguin Books, 2001, p.2408 Jenkins, R., Gladstone, Macmillan, 2002, p.4019 Abbot, B.H., Gladstone and Disraeli, Collins, 1986, p.2210 Magnus, P., Gladstone, Penguin Books, 2001, p.23911 Feuchtwanger, E.J., Gladstone, British Political Biography, 1975, p.18312 Jenkins, R., Gladstone, Macmillan, 2002, p.40413 Feuchtwanger, E.J., Gladstone, British Political Biography, 1975, p.1314 Blake, R., Disraeli, St Martins, 1967, p.76015 Magnus, P., Gladstone, Penguin Books, 2002, p.24116 ibid.17 Feuchtwanger, E.J., Gladstone, British Political Biography, 1975, p.18118 Blake, R., Disraeli, St Martins, 1967, p.60019 Shannon, R.T., Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation, 1876, Nelson, 1963, p.1320 Ibid. p.11021 Ibid. p.10722 Jenkins, R., Gladstone, Macmillan, 2002, p.40623 Blake, R., Disraeli, St Martins, 1967, p.60024 Jenkins, R., Gladstone, Macmillan, 2002, p.40125 loc. cit.26 Shannon, R.T., Gladstone and the Bulgarian Agitation 1876, Nelson, 1963, p.3